Milei Insisted on Turning Allies into Enemies — and Ended Up Putting His Own Success at Risk

The obsession with seeing betrayal in every move led Milei to lose the support of his vice president in the Senate, a decisive vote to guarantee ties and secure approval for difficult projects. Beyond that, his unchecked impulse to insult anyone who merely wanted to debate a point, often minor and harmless to his reforms, drove away numerous moderate politicians. Many of them, with proper dialogue and some convergence, would have voted with Milei.

Argentina had been making progress in several areas, but now risks setbacks fueled by a vengeful Congress that feels mistreated. Milei and part of his team lacked political tact. Losing allies like Diana Mondino was unnecessary, as were the offensive remarks directed at figures who, in reality, agreed more than they disagreed with him. These missteps genuinely put his reform agenda at risk. The truth is clear: a genius can still lack intelligence in human relations. Sadly, the main culprit for today’s collapse in confidence and the widespread market fear is Milei himself, who has opened the way for Congress to take control of the country and dismantle his initiatives.

With elections looming, a poor result could unleash a new cycle of instability and even greater pressure on the dollar, a currency on which Argentina remains brutally dependent. History repeats itself: presidents who fail to manage Congress end up defeated by simple details, such as the inability to avoid insults. Just a few extra votes, earned through better treatment, would have been enough for Milei to be celebrating a new Argentina today.

It is disheartening to see that, needlessly, he chose to wound and humiliate the egos of those who were truly by his side. This persecution complex, fueled by inner voices or terrible advisers, placed him in a dangerous position, one that could have been easily avoided with a minimum of skill and emotional intelligence.

Thus, a country that had recently made progress now risks backsliding, reviving the regressive strength of Peronism at the center, which could rival and dismantle ongoing reforms. Peronism and Kirchnerism were gasping for breath, powerless to stop Milei. Yet by creating new enemies, the president inevitably strengthened nearly defeated adversaries. This opposition revival stems from the same error seen elsewhere: the fear of eliminating a rival ends up breathing life into someone who should have been out of the game and now Argentina suffers, once again, from the consequences of its president’s ego.

Milei lacked the temperance and understanding of the political game that someone like Claudio Zuchovicki, another genius in economics, would surely have shown. Zuchovicki shares more than 90% of Milei’s economic outlook, but unlike him, he would know how to skillfully manage dialogue with Congress. He could even have secured unlikely victories that are now sorely missed for not having been passed.

This Sunday could become even more concerning with the results expected later. If they turn out positive, they should serve as a wake-up call for Milei to reflect on his blind trust in close advisers. He must moderate the way he treats people: it is not about politically aligning with opponents, but at least respecting moderates, thereby winning votes that cost nothing. Otherwise, he will continue to suffer gratuitous defeats that, in the end, directly harm none other than Milei himself.