Communist Proposal Is Rejected in Chile with a Landslide Election of a Pro-Market Candidate

Kast can secure a margin that may range between 20 and 30 percentage points without his leadership being threatened. Based on polls conducted using different methodologies throughout the runoff, all indications suggest that Jara’s first round figures already represented, virtually, her ceiling in the second round. Conversely, whoever secured the second spot for the final round would automatically aggregate the votes of the candidates who finished third and fourth, who together accounted for more than 60% of the vote.

An Impenetrable Wall for Jeannette Jara (Communist Proposal)

A high structural rejection rate, ranging between 55% and 65% of the electorate, depending on the polling institute and the criterion used (“would never vote for” / “impossible vote”).

Rejection increases outside the ideological core of the hard left.

It is especially high among:

• center and center right voters;

• independent voters;

• older voters and those with higher income;

• segments concerned with institutional stability, the economy, and foreign policy.

From a technical standpoint, Jara faces a rigid electoral ceiling, as her rejection rate exceeds her potential capacity for growth.

Stability of the Lead

A central point is that:

• Kast leads consistently, without any relevant drops throughout the campaign;

• Jara is unable to reduce the gap, even during moments of greater media exposure, debates, or critical events.

As a result:

• Jara’s rejection mathematically blocks any turnaround;

• Kast’s rejection does not prevent a broad victory.

The gap between Kast and Jara in the polls is not narrow, not unstable, and not circumstantial. It is a consistent advantage, sustained over time, with no statistical signs of reversal.

In technical terms, this is a robust, non volatile lead.

Candidates and Vote Share

Candidate	Party / Coalition	% of Valid Votes
Jeannette Jara	PCCh / Unity for Chile	26.85%
José Antonio Kast	Republican Party	23.92%
Franco Parisi	Party (independent/populist)	19.71%
Johannes Kaiser	Liberal Party / Right	13.94%
Evelyn Matthei	Independent Democratic Union (traditional right)	12.46%
Harold Mayne-Nicholls	Independent	1.26%
Marco Enríquez-Ominami	Independent	1.20%
Eduardo Artés	Independent	0.66%

With overt gestures and signals toward Nicolás Maduro’s regime, as well as public attacks on María Corina Machado, candidate Jeannette Jara closes her campaign on a melancholic note, displaying an explicit nostalgia for a regime that is notoriously undemocratic. There is an evident paradox in this behavior: praising democratic elections while attacking political figures persecuted in Venezuela, regardless of which opposition faction confronts the heirs of chavismo.

Chile is, in fact, one of the Latin American countries with the highest level of political awareness. This is reflected even in the stance of its current president, Gabriel Boric, who, despite being on the left, refused to endorse Nicolás Maduro’s regime, unlike most progressive presidents in the region. This represents an admirable level of political maturity: understanding that adherence to an ideological banner cannot serve as a safe pass to tolerate authoritarian abuses.

In general terms, Chilean presidents display levels of education, cultural formation, and institutional preparedness above the regional average, which even generates a degree of political envy in neighboring countries. Still, this does not prevent the emergence of candidacies disconnected from concrete realities. Jeannette Jara has always been a communist, and communism, as a political system, offers no consolidated examples worldwide of functioning without authoritarianism. On the contrary, its historical record is marked by continuous power regimes, the absence of democratic alternation, and large scale repression.

The examples are widely known: China; countries that once formed the Soviet Union; and, to this day, the authoritarian legacy preserved in Russia, marked by contract killings, systematic persecution of the opposition, and extensive use of state apparatus for political espionage. This historical background weighed decisively on the Chilean electorate’s assessment for this Sunday, December 14. Under any serious statistical criterion, there is no possibility whatsoever of a Jeannette Jara victory. And this is precisely due to Chile’s solid democratic regime, which is not under any real risk of manipulation capable of altering a result decided by millions of votes.

There is no communism without the cult of figures such as Lenin and Joseph Stalin. There is no communism that does not relativize or justify the deaths of tens of millions of people victimized by these regimes. There is no communist democracy. Electing admirers of this ideology is, historically, an invitation to the weakening, if not the end, of democracy.

Chilean media outlets avoid stating outright that José Antonio Kast will win the election on December 14, for editorial and institutional reasons. I, however, am neither a voter in Chile nor a Chilean media organization. I do not need to feign neutrality or simulate uncertainty. And it is worth remembering: being neutral is not necessarily being fair.